Thursday, June 1, 2017

Celebrating 50 years Since Naxalbari : From Nagi Reddy Line to C.P.R.C.I (ML) Part 7 By Harsh Thakor

These articles reflect the personal views of Harsh Thakor


A. Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India-1988

In 1988  5 groups ,namely the CPI(M.L.) led by Chandraskekar,the RCPI led by Jitender, e 2 UCCRI(M.L.) factions led by Harbhajan Sohi and Anand and the  O.C.C.P.I.(M.L.) led by Raghubir  merged to form the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (C.C.R.I.)The formation of the Centre of Comunist Revolutionaries of India had historical significance,as since the formation of U.C.C.R.I.M.L in 1975 there were so may splits.

Theoretically, it was the soundest amongst all revolutionary sections and it’s practice in Orissa and Punjab Outstanding. It enhanced the consolidation of the All India Revolutionary Movement.A 2 line struggle was undertaken by comrade Anand within the U.C.C.R.I.M.L of led by Viswam ,on similar grounds that Comrada H.B S split the organization.

The chief architects of this organization were the 2 Comrades Anand and Harbhajan Sohi.Although Comrade Anand(from Andhra Pradesh) remained in the Muktigami period for long time(even after the H.B.S split in 1979) in the author’s opinion the revolutionary Movement has to be sympathetic with his long struggle as he remained within the original organsation with the interests of Unity in mind.

One was the issue of the Chinese three Worlds theory, the other was on the question of electins and massOrganisations.There were strong tendencies in Anand’s view of right deviation-like participation in election s or supporting candidates and impostion of the party’s policies on mass organsiations.5 organisations after a continuos process of bilateral negotiations united.

The 1977 Appendix documents written by Harbhajan Sohi were taken as the Organisation’s international line.

In Punjab  it played a vanguard role in leading the movement and no organization contributed more on the theoretical or practical plane ..This organization made a major contribution in the revolutionary democratic movement in the Khalistani period with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L and developed cores of mass revolutionary resistance against the Khalistani Terrorism.

Major mass resistance rallies were led by a mass resistance front formed by them at Moga in 1987 and at Sewawla in 1991 and 1992.

True they were unable to work in all districts of Punjab (Their Front functioned principally in Ludhiana ,Faridkot and Bhatinda districts and was inactive in many districts)) and and a revolutionary peasant movement had not been built statewide but their experience was a heroic lesson

It also played a major role in the building of mass agarian revolutionary line of the Adivasi movement in Malkangiri in Orissa.

In Andhra Pradesh it’s forces attempted to consolidate the Srikakulam Girijan movement ’The most significant contribution of this organization was the theoretical and practical correctness on the relationship of mass organizations with the Party

It stressed on the Party functioning democratically within the mass organizations and helping them develop their democratic identity.One major theoretical development was the stand on elections where they explained how conditions were not accessible for carrying out tactics of ‘active boycot’t or participation in Parliamentary elections.

There were also units in Rajasthan and Maharashtra where Trade Union and Democratic Rights work was consolidatedand efforts made to have correct mass approach on trade Union Front.Played an important role in guiding the democratic Rights movement in Mumbai in Maharashtra wit correct perspective particularly in times of 1992-93 riots, and state repression in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.In West Bengal trade Union movement was consolidated and major trade Union struggles were led capturing the Unions.

It also had revolutionary peasant Movement work in Bihar which later was absorbed by the Party Unity Section.For some time some struggles carrying the torch of the mass line were implemented ,particulary against the Bhagalpur riots in 1989. Inspite  of split in 1988 of U.C.C.R.I.(M.L.) the All-India Federation of Organizations for democratic Rights.formed in 1982. flourished in it’s total capability with significant sammelan in 1990.

In the author’s view inspite of such a theoretically strong line was unable to inspire an Effective All-India Campaign through mass platforms to expose the fact that it was revisionism that had collapsed in 1989 and not Socialism.

A sustained campaign as a mass political level should have been organized  to defend Mao Tse Tung Thought and Socialism.

 Also perhaps not sufficiently consolidated the mass agrarian revolutionary line by developing peoples armed squards or rd defense corpses so much needed to ssuatin paeasnt’s resistance.. It is debatable wheter it was premature to carry out an armed struggle in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar in certain regions considering strength of peasnt movement.(It had an organsiation in Bihar that time which later disaffiliated itself).

There was also arguably not enough of practice in resistance against state terrorism during the Khalistani era with more emphasis on the Khalistani forces than the state and inadequate revolutionary armed protection or self-defence  aginst the Khalistani fascists as shown in Sewewal in 1009 when 18 mass activists were martyred

B.Formation of the C.P.I.M.L Janashakti-1992

The Janasahakti Group was formed in 1992 by the merger of the Ramchandran Group,the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Muktigami group),the Pyla Vasudeva Group the West Bengal Co-ordination committee led by Parimal Dasgupta,the CP.I.M.L led by Konkan Mazumdar.It was a most opportunist Unity. Without resolving major issues for uniting they merged into a single organization. Suddenly they said that the formation of the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I.ML was correct and at the same time upheld the lines of T.Nagi Reddy and Chandra Pulla Reddy!In no time this group split into 5 different Organisations.

The organization although having armed squads in many areas came out openly and disturbed the mass movement.(Like in Punjab)In Andhra Pradesh they held a joint all India Peasant Conference against Imperialist dictates of the I.M.F .In the trade Union Movement they led struggles but exhibited powerful economist tendencies. In the opinion of the author the organization today has it’s major sections in the revisionist camps ,while has a small section in the Northern parts, which sides with the C.P.I.Maoist and may possibly merge with them. (Signed a joint statement on boycott of elections with C.P.I.Maoist as well as on anti repressionand anti-communal issues)

As a result of disunity and theoretical weakness is no more a serious revolutionary force.It still has several revolutionary cadres and the Rajanna faction in Andhra Pradesh is still a militant one.,carrying armed struggle at a marginal level.

One of the most predominant features in the history of the post naxalbari communsit movement was the trend of splits and right opportunism A most predominant component was Comrade Satyanarayan Singh and to an extent Chandra Pulla Reddy.S,N Singh supported the Jayaparakash Narayan movement in 1974 and later after emergency supported an Anti-Soviet United front thus advocating alliance with erstwhile U.S.S.R which was social -imperilaist..S.N Singh supported the Janata party claiming it was a more progessive force to fascism.Although Chandra Pulla Reddy which united with S.N.Singh split in 1980 it was a persecutor of C.P.I.(M.L) Janashakti,which was one of the most opprtunist unities ever in the post-naxalbari period amongst naxalite groups.It was a great lesson for cr's and cadres about the consequences of opportunist Unity.C.P.I.(M.L)

Resistance,UCCRI(M.L.)Muktigami ,Plya Vasudevea group,C.P.I.(M.L.)Khonkan majumdar.Coodination Commitee of Communist revolutionaries led by Parimal Dasgupta etc merged.

It was a total jamboori opportunistically merging the trends of Charu Majumdar ,Nagi Reddy and Chandra Pulla Reddy.In no time they split into about 6 groups.Significantly both the C.P.Reddy and UCCRI(M.L.) sections had a series of splits from the early 1980's and hardly gave historic respect to the important differences between Chandra Pulla Reddy and T.Nagi Reddy.C.P.Reddy had comited left adventurist deviation from the T.N.DV.Rao line by claiming for adventurist armed s quad actions in the area of the A.P.CCR.Without analyzing this historic mistake they decided to unite.Infact C.P.Reddy vice Vera claimed that TN-DV practice was economist and surrendering

Without consulting the State Commite Chandra Pulla Redy called for armed squad actions.The line of participation in elections of SN.Singh-C.P.Reddy caused havoc to the communist revolutionary movement just like Vinod Mishra had earlier.Today in the camp still some section shave not made a critical review of the S.N.Singh-C.P.Reddy line.

No doubt both made a significant contribution,particulary C.P.,Redy but like the Erstwhile constituent section sof the Maoist party like the Andhra pradesh State Committee made of Charu Mazumdar in1974.under Kondappali Seetharamiah.The staunch followers of Nagi Reddy-dv.rao claim thta Chandra OPulla Redy was similar to Charu Mazumdar.Both T.N and D.V made a strong critic sim of Chandra Pulla Reddy. Proletarian Line publication s has reproduced those writings.

In the early 1970's Just like they wrote about Charu Majumdar,DV and TN felt S.N.Singh and C.P.Reddy in essence were no different from Charu and supported line of individual assassination.
Later the Viswam section maerged with the C.P.I.(M.L.) of Kanu Sanyal that later smerged with the C.P.I.(M.L.) Red Star group b but after a short while spilt again.

C .U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)-Proletarian Line Group-formed in 1980-DV.RAO GROUP

Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist-Leninist) is a political party in Andhra Pradesh, India.

It was formed by D.V. Rao after the 1980 general elections, as a split from the original Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (Marxist-Leninist).

D.V. Rao had been the Central Committee Secretary of UCCRI(ML). However, differences had emerged on issues like how to relate to developments in China after the death of Mao Zedong. D.V. Rao maintained that China under Deng Xiaoping remained a socialist state.

They still bring out an organ called the ‘Proletarian Path’Every year they hold commemoration meetings in July upholding Comrades T.N.and D.V. Although they term the Janashakti and C.P.I.(Maoist) as adventurist and opportunist. ,this organisation participates in Elections in  a substantial way.

They had one section of the Student organisation, Democratic Students Organsiation under their influence and a section of Organisation For Protection of Democratic Rights.Part of communist revolutionary  camp still but right-deviationist.

Do carry out land struggles in many regions like Khammam,Anathapur,Srikakualm with Srikakulam being  major belt.Very sincerely defend D.V. and T.Nagi Reddy ‘s  legacy and emphazsise that their contribution was equal unlike the Muktigami group who do not place DV on the same pedestal.

It felt that the other U.C.C.R.I.(M.L.) Organization in Andhra Pradesh after the 1980’s betrayed the line of TN and in every statement onmartys day exposed them.I do not agree with their stand on China as Socialist ,participating in election snad functioning openly but stil admire the comrades for defending the immortal role of Comrdae DV.

They have a Democratic Students Organization and peasant organization called Rytu Coolie Sangham.I owe a lot of my understaning on practice and theory of mass line in earlier decades from their comrades.

Later the party was led by his Brother Shri Tarimela Ramadass Reddy.

Till this day this group vehemently denounces the Muktigami group led by Viswam that merged into Janashakti and then with Kanu Sanyal C.P.I.(M.L.) for functioning so bureaucratically and expelling Comrdae Devullapali Venkatsewara Rao in 1981.It even thought the Organization for Protection for democratic rights that became part of the All - India Federation for Democratic Rights was atoken participation.In it’s organ it accused the Muktigami group for betraying Comrdae T.Nagi Redy.It was never openly critical of Harbhajan Sohi but openly condemned the practices of Comrade Anand or Viswam .It called their group in 1980 that expelled Comrdae DV in 1981 as a rival Centre.
D. Communist Party Re-organization Centre of India (Marxist-Leninist) in August 1994.- C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.)

A New Marxist Leninist Revolutionary Centre, the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India(Marxist Leninist)was formed in August 1994 through the merger of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India ,with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L (C.T C.P.I.M.L) ,the Communist Unity Centre of India and the Marxist Leninist Organising Centre. and the organisation claimed to be the one within which principally the proletarian revolutionary line has been built up .Significantly the Unity Declaration was signed in December 1993 in the month of Comrade Mao Tse Tung’s 100th birth anniversary.

The merger of the Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India with the Central Team C.P.I.(M.L)  had great significance as both groups evolved from different streams.The Central Team descended from the Charu Mazumdar or C.P.I.(M.L.) Stream while the C.C.R.I belonged to the Tarimela Nagi Reddy stream.Historically the realtionship between Nagi Reddy-D.V.Rao with Charu Mazumdar or C.P.I.(M.L.) of 169 was antagonistic .DV.Rao termed it terrorist while from 1978 always uphed the 1969 C.P.I.(M.L) and negated Nagi Reddy as a revisionist.The work together in the mass political movement aginst Khalistani terrorism brought them together.The non Punjab section of C.T.contiunued to uphold the C.P.I.(M.L.)of 1969 and morally upheld the armed struule of Peoples War group in Dandkaranya.

After a continuous process of bilateral transactions this unity took place. The fact that it took such a long, protracted process reflects the principled approach of the Unity. Comrade S.Pratap was elected the secretary.The organization states that the proletarian revolutionary trend lies within various Communist Revolutionary groups and that the proletarian revolutionary party has still to be formed. They brought out their basic Documents in 1995 after their Inaugural Conference. This new formation is closer to Comrade Mao’s line than any other organization in India on the theoretical and practical plane.

On the International Line and on it’s analysis of the agrarian revolutionary Perspective and military line it has outstanding Marxist Leninist clarity.It has a most complete thesis of the relationship of the mass organization with the proletarian party. It explains the distinct identity and the need to function democratically within the mass organization and not impose party politics on the mass organizations. It also explains why theoretically armed Struggle and active boycott of election cannot be carried out in the present circumstances, as well as why participation in Elections is capitulationism in the present era ,without adequate development of the proletarian party.

Only with forming revolutionary alterntive organs of political power and adequate political consciousness’ can the tactic of ‘active boycott’of elections be implemented Its basic Documents explain that today the co-relation between the revolutionary forces with the enemy has not been sufficiently developed to carry out armed Struggle. It explains the meaning of creating revolutionary base areas and military guerilla Zones .

A profound contribution of the unity is not making the issue of whether 1969 formation of the C.P.I.M.L was correct or not.(It would be a matter to be decided only when the party was re-organised. Earlier this was a major controversy amongst revolutionary Groups)It is interesting that one of the components of this organization the C.P.I.M.L(C.T.)earlier insisted that the 1969 formed Organisation led by Charu Mazumdar was the actual party.

The merger of the Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India with the Central Team C.P.I.(M.L)  had great significance as both groups evolved from different streams.The Central Team descended from the Charu Mazumdar or C.P.I.(M.L.) Stream while the C.C.R.I belonged to the Tarimela Nagi Reddy stream.Historically the realtionship between Nagi Reddy-D.V.Rao with Charu Mazumdar or C.P.I.(M.L.) of 169 was antagonistic .DV.Rao termed it terrorsist while from 1978 always uphed the 1969 C.P.I.(M.L) and negated Nagi Reddy as a revisionist.The work together in the mass political movement aginst Khalistani terrorism brought them together.The non Punjab section of C.T.contiunued to uphold the C.P.I.(M.L.)of 1969 and morally upheld the armed struule of Peoples War group in Dandkaranya.

Quoting the ist Issue of their publication, ‘Thecomrade’, “This Unification brought the Party Question into Sharp Focus.It has not only emphasized the pressing need and crucial significance of the Party Re-Organisation for bringing about a new high tide in the Revolutionary Movement but also projected the line based approach to party re-organization. This highlighted the other facet of the party question ,namely the impermissibility of diluting the distinct ideological political identity of the political party.

The organisation’s insistence on the distinct political identity while seeking to build the party as the leading political core of the revolutionary mass movement of the Indian People,has not only general orientational validity but also particular relevance to the Particular situation.”It has also given significant writing on linking the trade Union movement with the agrarian revolutionary Struggle in the villages. It has a sound thesis on the Workers Front where it explains the need to develop an advanced revolutionary core of workers who could propogate revolutionary politics in the villages.
There is also a most sound International line demarcating from the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and deferring the premature formation of a Communist International from the Russian and Chinese Experience.(Remember Stalin’s Comintern was dissolved in 1943 while Mao never called for a Communist International)

In West Bengal the organization made significant progress in capturing the unions working as fractions within the yellow unions.They gave emphasis on the linking of trade Union Struggles of all sections of the workers Union Struggles irrespective of the political Group leading them..In Andhra Pradesh similarly it created significant trade Union Solidarity movements in Bobbili region of Srikakulam..This is significant in the light of neglect of political work amongst the erstwhile C.P.I.(M.L.)PWG  on the workers front or in the urban areas. It played an important role in guiding revolutionary mass work. It initiated the formation of revolutionary mass papers and strived to develop the correct practice in the trade Unions as against right opportunist and left sectarian practices.It initiated forming a revolutionary workers solidarity platform to co-ordinate workers struggles.

.One Activist From Mumbai attended an Election programe in Punjab in January 1998 and thought he never witnessed such revolutionary democratic Functioning.Similar views were awarded to the Malkangari Adivasi Movement by a team of Activists from Mumbai.Even Comrade Sunder Navalkar,in the perid of the early 1990’s praised the approach of the organization.

Avenues have been created for militant peasant struggles of landless labourers in pockets in the State and for miltant district or statewide peasant struggles amongst the landed peasantry.A revolutionary alternative had been projected through the Party Organisation and the manner of projection(especially as projected by the Rajjeana Campaign and the Election campaign) displays strong theoretical correctness.. In 1998 and 1999 ,2004 ,2008 ,2012 and 6 the Organisations under their guidance  carried out election campaigns in Punjab which created a major impactwhere the tactics of active political campaign in contrast to Active Boycott or Participation were implemented. Other groups could hardly make any effect. The content of the party leaflet encouraged the party ranks and followers to distribute it wide for mass consumption. The wide range of issues were explained in simple language.The immediate practical alternative was projected in the leaflet so that people could easily grasp it’s contents.

The focus of the state commitees poster was on building the revolutionary movement ,with the agrarian movement as it’s axis, as an alternative The call by other revolutionary section for boycott  got no response while Groups like the Janashakti group that polled candidates got no success. There has never been practice so close to Comrade Mao TseTung’s mass line as in Punjab as by this organization, in the light of the overall political factor..In Orissa in the Malkangiri district an outstanding tribal Movement had been built, creating a platform for sustained agrarian revolutionary mass movement,similar to that in the phase before the Chinese Communist Party launched the Armed struggle. In Orissa a mass line was developed in Malkangiri region higher than the Maoist party did upto 2003.

Major struggles in Padmagiri-Pandripeni resisting the cutting of bamboo tress by the politician contractor nexus,against the H.A.M.C.O pipeline,opposing the building of a pipeline etc.were launched.Democratic revolutionary mass organization functioning reached it’s highest level and so did armed resistance of Adivasis with conventional weapons.The work was far more effective than that of erstwhile Peoples War group armerd squads.It was one of the finest ever implementation sof mass line in the post-naxalbari period.In the light of agrarian revolutionary movement it was in 2004  the most developed struggle towards attaining the mass line in Orissa before the C.P.I.(Maoist) intervened and took over the movement. since the Naxalabari and Srikakulam era.

One Imortant aspect is that the Central Team group which merged into the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) never upheld Comrade Nagi Reddy at any stage infact one time considered him to be a revisionist. However working together in Punjab in a common Front brought the 2 organisations together in the State.The C.C.R.I,(constituent of C.P.R.C.I.M.L)upheld Nagi Reddy’s line .however the 2 organsations agreed that this should not be an issue of debate.The Communist Unity Centre of India and the Marxist Leninist Organisaing Centre had in periods uphed the Nagi Reddy Line.This throws light that maybe more forces could have united earlier in the revolutionary movement ,atleast in revolutionary mass work.

In Orissa a mass line was developed in Malkangiri region higher than the Maoist party did

.Major struggles in Padmagiri-Pandripeni resisting the cutting of bamboo tress by the politician contractor nexus,against the H.A.M.C.O pipeline,opposing the building of a pipeline etc.were launched.

Democratic revolutionary mass organization functioning reached it’s highest level and so did armed resistance of Adivasis with conventional weapons.

The work was far more effective than that of erstwhile Peoples War group armerd squads.It was one of the finest ever implementation sof mass line in the post-naxalbari period. A mass revolutionary peasant uprising may not have taken place but there have been demonstrations of peasants in Orissa and Punjab defending their rights or offering mass resistance against enemy forces carrying traditional armed weapons..

The party election programmes in 1998 , 1999 ,2004.2012 were striking examples of creating a base for a mass revolutionary political movement,particularly the peasantry.Significantly teams of workers headed the propaganda campaigns.One other significant trend is the self –defence and aggression displayed by the Punjab peasantry in asserting their right to stage conferences or mass protests.In Jethuke by the landed peasantry in 2000, in Chandigarh by the landed peasantry in Balahr Vinju in 1994 and 2008 in Muktsar by landless peasants the peasantry displayed heroic defiance against the police forces who attempted to thwart their efforts to organize..

One significant factor as though democratic revolutionary struggles have been launched by the peasantry in Punjab,a stage has not yet been reached when land re-distribution seizures are taking place or land re-distributed. )Recent struggle of the  landed peasant organization resisting the administration for 50 days in bathind a in July of 2016 and it’s landless labour organization capturing plots in Lambi region  and it’s 3 day protest there in September 2016 display the progress.Alos memorable was the joint landed labour-landless labour ptoest fot 7 days in bathinda which won important demands after besieging the city.In mass programmes they mobilise upto even 15-20,000 Peasants amongst landed peasantry

Also of great significance have ben the protests of the Democratic Front against Operation Green Hunt like in Moga and Narnal last April which have played a major role in building public opinion aginst fascistic acts of the state.Some great protests aginst encounter in Malkangori last year,aginst death sentence on maruti workers etc.On the youth front a famous rally and conference was held commemorating Cshaheed Bhgat Singh last September in Barnala with over 10000 participants.,mainly comprising landless and por peasnt youth.


In 2016 the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) completed it's regular conference after a long period.This conference was held after a plenum held 15 years earlier.All the delegates were congragulated for making it successful.It was attended by delegtaes from Punjab,Orissa,Rajasthan,Andhra Pradesh,West Bengal and Maharashtra .Tributes were paid to all the martyred comrdaes and at the inauguration of conference a veteran comrdae from Srikakulam from Srikakulam movement.3 proceedings took place.

1.On question of how qualitatively different types of inner-organization struggle.Some groups struggle over differences of basic line itself.

Others have differences within the framework of the basic line.A discussion and verdict in favour of one of the tow documents as the official document of the organization

.2.The election of the new central body and the discussion about it's designation.

3.The resolution on recent significant developments.At the conclusion the central leading commitee declared the conference as succesful in passing through an experience of inner party struggle within the frame of the basic line,irespective of the bearing sof the differences on our practical orientation.

We are in the process of learning to take the differences within the frame of our basic line as the normal phenomenan of a CR organization.It is the presnce,not the absence of differences in a cr organization ,which underlines the significance of democratic centralism.Thus we have consistently practiced democratic centralism.

The organization highlighted 'Regarding broad contours of the plan directin" which included laying the material foundation for all india leadership to the revolutionary movement by re-organizing the party on the qualitatively developed basis of unity of the basic line,to lay the foundation for initiating the armed struggle for seizure of power by building agrarian revolutionary movement to level of forcible seizure of land and to lay the foundation of the united front of revolutionary classes on basis of worker-peasant analysis.All these tasks are inter-related.


The notes below reproduded from ‘the Comrade’ show how thorough the CPRCI ML is on the relationship between  the development of re-organization of the proletarian party with the agrarian revolutionary movemt an d how the Agrarian revolutionary movement(ARM) is connected with the peoples democratic revolutionary movement(PDRM).Such an analysis is a lesson for all cadres.This very understanding was the basis for the suces of the Organization in Punjab nad earlier in Orissa.

The strategic concept finds the concrete expression in the general tactical concept of agrarian revolutionary movement as the axis of people's democratic revolutionary movement.The present phase is objectively determined by the fcat that the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses of people is not only a basic contradiction but a principal contradiction.For giving conscious expression to the objective logic of the principal contradiction ,we are to identify the imperatives of adressing and promoting the people's aspect of this contradiction.

The principal task of the reorganization of the party in present reorganization phase is to be viewed not in isolation but in context of the above stated imperatives of the general tactical concept.As stated in the document,"in,overall context the present Party Reorganization phase of communist revolutionary movement of India can be said to be sub phase of the agrarian phase of the revolution.It has it's specifities and peculiarities ,differentiating it from the higher sub-phases.

The very centrality as well as the principality of the Party re-organizing task means that task is essential for translating the general tactical concept of ARM as axis and PDRM into practice.The conscious expression to the objective logic of the unfolding of the principal contradiction and requirements of building the agrarian revolutionary movement 'demand proletrain leadership.lThe working class can excercise it's leadership over the pdr ,primarily through the organization of it's poliutical vanguard i.e.the communist party.All the facets and phases of this process of building the agrarian revolutionary movement and revolutionary organization of the rural people ,the proletarin vanguard organization plays the crucial role.

In the absence of the vanguard leadership,the realization of agrarian revolutionary movement as axis of PDRM has no scope.It is destined to remain confined in general democratic boundaries.Weakness of the party vanguard also means dilution of the PDRM content and relatively free scope for bourgeois democratic colouring of the axis.The leadership of the party as the chief expression of the hegemony of the proletariat is an indispensable requiremnent of the Indian revolution and the ARM too.

The path document takes the political development of the party not as concern of the proletrait solely but objectively the revolutionary concern of the people.Development of party is general problem of the Indian people.The concrete advance of ARM towards floating the magic weapon of armed struggle is organically linked with the state of other magic weapons i.e.the united front and the party.'Prospects of building in our concrete experience the available ARM suffered because in one of the major revolutionary movement areas the crucial requirement of effectively operative vanguard instrument could not be fulfilled.Due to deficiencies in method of implementing line,in a systematic manner,instead of laying the ground for consolidating the instrument of the vanguard,exhausted it's energies.Lack of united front aspect involving presence of all the revolutionary classes reflected the limitation.


The party reflected a dialectical method aof analyis applying mass line.Here are examples of experiences in Punjab and Orissa.The analysis deploys the Marxist -Leninist –Maoist approach to the vanguard party and it’s leading role .

In Punjab most significant struggle in early years of the mass organization was the struggle aginst the brutal murder of 2 agricultural labourers by a landlord.The landlord was put behind bars because of the prolonged struggle.The struggle experience,again became a witness to existence of crude forms of semi-feudal exploitation ,domination and oppression,resembling land-slavery in some aspects the point was highlighted in context of struggle with various wrong trends.

A partial review highlighted the significance of the initiative and leading role of agricultuarl labour in creating the political organizational basis of agricultural labour-peasnt alliance .The other was properly resressing the question of dalit consciousness to boost it's positive aspect and provide the required political direction,so that the phenomenan may not overlap the objective pricipal contradiction beacuse of lack of proper direction.

The most glaring manifestationof advance was crucial element of anti-feudal edge.It was distinctly reflected though proper placing of debt problem,particulary against shackles of private money lending in demands as part of alternative action program.(The hub of previous action program of union had been the linking of prices of agriculture commodities with price index,a manifestation of rich peasant-landlord domination on the union.To be more exact it manifested the domination of these classes on the overall peasant movement in the state.It was because the mass organization in the state under review was the most prominent organization with social base among peasant masses..)This was a milestone achievement and diluted a major factor blocking political development in context of principal contradiction.

The LC review while noting the significant advance in relation to owner peasant masses assesd it in frame of building revolutionary agrarian movement.It reminded the ranks that the purpose of work in the economist reformist platform was,to acquire neccessary minumum mass basde nad activist force.The method of building an independent revolutionary peasant organization depended on succesful and careful implementation of alternative action program elements.It was pointed out ,how the devaluation of intensifying principle contradiction was a running thread in major wrong tactical responses of wrong trends.How the devaluation of the contradiction led to the conceptual devaluation of the struggle for mere anti-repression struggle,overlooking the underlying resnjtment of peasntry aginst unbearable semi-feudal exploitaion .How the tactic of united activity of the mass organization with the ruling class parties indicated a tendency to avoid or reject the imperatives of principal contradiction How such devaluation led to underassesmemt of struggle potential and rightist tactics in relation to form sof struggle.How,the factor was contributory to tendency of soft corner towards usurious commission agents and the rural moneylenders.

The struggle against wrong trends on question of responding to principal contradiction ,also adressed the complicated interplay of 2 basic contradictions.The significant issue of debate was question of making a dent in stagnation of the peasant movement and the mass organization.The response of wrong trends to temporary stagnation betrayed a lack of grasp about the concrete unfolding of the non-principal basic contradiction.
And this debate was also settled through practice .It was because of the conscious direction taken that temporary stagnation faded away thwarting the collaborationist leadership of the mass organization sand the wrong trends of the cr camp.The process of,more or less all round advance of peasant movement proved the correctness of our analysis and practice through the prsim of class struggle.
Some famous and poular struggles later,emerged as further pillars of crucial and demarcating firm direction of building agrarian revolutionary movement.

Our state unit passed through an experience of artful combination of unity and strugle on agricultural labourers front.It was inrecation to sectarian twist to issues of agricultural labourers by C.P.I.(M.L.)Liberation.Complication semerged when issue of claim on reserved panchayat lease rights for dalit peasntry was misdirected aginst middle and poor peasntry.It falred up contradiction among differnt layers of peasntry on class lines while on the other hand gave an excuse for the state to target repression on the dalit community.

Another significant aspect demanding attention was to create mass base in industrial workers,situated in centers surrounded by rural pockets of peasnt movement.The energy devoted to workers struggles at different places in different forms was not small in given situation.But it lacked live consciousness about the systematic efforts for preparing industrial workers for leading agrarian movement.The objectve scope for the task increased in our work pockets with increasing number of new contract workers from peasnt families.The signigicance of creating atleast one other center of industrial workers under our influence was noted in LC plan,but only from angle of maintaining continuity in case of some major setback to the work in already existing center.The new L.C.plan after latest state conference has put the task in better perspective .

The LC noted that the entrenchment of revolutionary direction inmass organization demanded to speed up the activities of the revoilutionary political front.It is to project the agrarian revolutionary program and politic sin intelligible forms to peasantry.Still the most crucial task is cultivating and developing party forces.

In terms of unfolding the principal contradiction the struggle sharply brought to light the operation of the aspect of feudalism in its interconnections as a system.It provided much favourable base for highlighting and promoting the much required political expression to contradiction.In relation to other aspect of contradiction ,the struggle had touched the underlying feeling of the adivasis for their right to land and jungle.The L.C. appreciatively made all possible efforts for conscious political expression to contradiction.#

The L.C.self-critically noted that 'even after waging two glorious and militant struggles ,party had remained incapable in creating even a semblance of party structure or any party activities.Thus instead of balanced and integrtaed development , arelatively lopsided and unbalanced growth of the two was going on.This chasm was increasing day by day.Even the gain sof another succesful struggle aginst tiber mafia could not be consolidated for want of proper instrument for that.

The document reflected the understanding that the objective pressure for major struggles is not a negative phenomenan itself.On the contrary,it indicated the scope and opportunities for building armed agrarian revolutionary movement.The significant thing is to respond in a conscious and planned manner ,with a focus on creating and consolidating the very instrument to realize the potential for the purpose.

Thus the document properly combined the party re-organization task wit the task of building agrarian revolutionary leadership.The position was in line with significance of building nucleus of local party leadership as an instrument of exercising party leadership in the movement as conceived by Mao thought and explained by CPC under his leadership.

It underlines the significance of filling the essential gaps in the areas marked as revolutionary movement building areas.Except getting neccssary approach and base amongst united front classes,the task prominently demnads cultivation of party forces.

At present the greatest priority has to be given to mental,technical, and political preparation of the revolutionary force for self defense of the movement ,particularly revolutionary peasant movement.
Major areas wee selected as revolutionary movement building areas and conceived as focal points of integrated party work.This was given major importance for creating scope for building a sustainable revolutionary peasant movement and eventually by integrating the whole structure of our political mass work there around the axis of the peasant movement.

Our concrete plan of tasks and policies throughout the present phase of the Indian Revolution must be imbibed with consciousness to take requirements of buil;ding agrarian revolutionary movement  as central reference point .The presnt phase of Indian revolution here means the entire phase covering the period with contradiction between feuadalism and broad mases of the people as the principlecontradiction.

The current phase of revolutionary movement,the phase pof preparation for armed struggle,is part of the long presnt phase of Indian Revolution .The current phase will culminate in initiation of peole’s armed struggle which is the intermediate perspective.It demands that the anti-feudal struggles are to be stabilized as sustained agrarian revolutionary movement..The movement is to be raised to the development of armed struggle.

Further it has to be sustained and deepened as armed agrarian revolutionary movement as the central reference point for seizure of political power.

The culmination of the current phase in intitaion of armed struggle wil alos mark the beginning of the next phase,i.e.armed phase for implementing,the seizure and redistribution of land as well as the seizure of political power,as immediate action slogans.In the period before the culmination ,the slogans are to be popularized through propaganda combined wit peole’s action on immediate issues in the same dirtecttion but un suitable lower forms of struggle and organization.

Keeping in view the overall level of revolutionary movement in our leadership,our immediate plan must be addressed to the task of transforming the anti-feudal struggles into sustained agrarian revolutionary movement and strengthening the anti feudal edge of the revolutionary movement.The prime move mental task is to be provided a boost by addressing the twin task of projecting the revolutionary alternative.

The Significancer and priority  of different fronts and ars should be decided according to concretae imperatives of the Comunist Party.It means concentration of forces for rural work with central significance to the peasnt mases.

Keeping in view the scarcity of party forces we are to demarcate the ares in our fold between rtevolutionary movement building areas and the ares of revolutionary propaganda and agitation.Generally the revolutionary movement needs a variety of revolutionary movement  building areas in region sopf strategic relevance as welllas other areas as supportive areas of political base

But due to limited base today and reach of movement and the party the margins are much narrow.If other factors are to be the same the areas of strategic relevance with peasant base .The overall state of party forces is another significant factor for choice.

With aview to provide proletarian leadership to the agrarian revolutionary movement our concrete plan sof task in different areas must proceed with the conception of silmuntaneously building the twin strands of worker peasant movement in a single pocket.From this angle,it must proceed with an pproach of bridging the gapbetween the respective areas of base among pesant masses and industrial workers.The selection of areas or indisutries for intensive work should be determined by 2 strategic considewrations.

The 1st is to develop closer ties with the masses and for making intervention in favour of te agrarian revolutionary movement.Next is the consideration that industries  to be selected should have a crucxial role in the smooth running of the whole economic sytem,providing workers movement the necessary striking power to deliver incapacitating blow sto the system,during unflding revolutionary offensive.

We need concrete steps to equip our forces on the workers front with the live consciousness of the implications of the proletarian class leadership of the agrarianrevolutionary movement for our work generally as well as inte specific areas.The conception alos imply that the overall operation of the party forces must be brought in line wit the requirements of providing proletarian leadership to the agrarinrevolutionary movement from the party platform..

For effectively building ARM on track,concrete analysis of concrete conditions in specific regions or pockets is necessary .It is necessary for preparing action programme as wella s for a concrete approach to specific issues coming in the way of properly building the ARM.The range,priority and depth of the issues regarding such a concte analysis should be decided with a pruning approach.

That should be keeping in view the overall capacity and strength of the concerned Leading Commitee ,the integration of party forces with the mases in the specific area,concrete assesmemt about urgency regarding clarity  on the specific issues in term sof positive as well as negative fallouts of the movement in term sof quality and quantity and the state of party forces dfeployed in the area..The issues or aspects of the issues being faced as bottlenecks for the next higher round of concrete advance must be differentiated and picked for priority attention.

For effectively ,building and leading the agrarian revolutionary revolutionary movement and rte-organizing the party ,were are to grasp the relationship between the ARM and the task of party organization.The disintegration of the CR forces has largely contributed to the inadequacy of the ARM under proletrain leadership,generally as well as particularly under the leadership of our forces.The re-organization of the party with qualitatively developed line ,organization and leadership will definitely mark a qualitative jump in the ARM buiding.

In our practice we are to place the party organization in pivotal role in both the aspects of the work.i.e.the building of democratic revolutionary movement with ARM as it’s axis as well as the task of party building.We are to gear both the aspects of the revolutionary movement i.e.the revolutionary mass movement building towards the central task of party re-organization.Now we are top proceed with determination and concrete course to remove these deficiencies in practice.

The other task in the phase to be concretely materialized mainly in the process of agrarian revolutionbary movement building i.e.the preparation for armed struggle and the task of laying foundation sfor the unitred front are alos crucial.

To be able to be really effective,al our leading commites should be committees of professional revolutionaries.But our presnt organization is deficient in this regard.There should be an outline of concrete stepping stonesmin  asequence ,for transformation of the committees into committees of professional revolutionaries.Our organizational line defines the criteria of a professional revolutionary which should be oiur reference point.

Our experience has further underlined the significance of addressing the task of addressing the task of self defense of the revolutionary dcemocartic movement.The plan must adrtess the concrete rqeuirtemenst of guidance regarding the task in suitable and proper forms.

Appraisal  of The C.P.R.C.I.(M.L)

In Punjab for over 2 decades it has been the strongest group and implemented massline better than any other  group.It has a strong mass base in the revolutionary mass movement of the landed peasantry leading a huge organization of the poor peasantry It also did significant work in bridging the gap between the landed and landless dalit agricultural labour.Heroic struggles were led combating corporates like Trident ,getting compensation for suicide victims, and winning plots for landless dalits. Earlier in Orissa from 1995-2003  we got many reports of the Adivasi Movement in Malkangiri revealing a greater mass revolutionary base and mass line practice from even the Maoist party. The author is impressed with the ground work of the peasant organization swho show great planning and work in accordance with the given situation.Many intellectuals mantain that it practises the mass line better than any other group in Punjab..Professor G.N.Saibaba visted Orissa and was deeply impressed with the Adivasi movement,feeling it was well armed.Infact there was co-ordination with the Maoist forces.


Today,apart from the state of Punjab one witnesses no other open mass struggles led by the organization in any part of India.Arguably secret party work takes place in states like Orrissa,Rajasthan ,Andhra Pradesh,West Bengal ,Maharashtra etc. with no registered mass organizations through working as fractions.It also very seldom projects the party banner with posters and leaflets in states like even Punjab and rarely issues statements.

Sufficient legal political forums have not been created to propagate the political line like other communist revolutionary sections,accounting fopr preservation of underground structure of party organizationI feel to emerge as a major force the organization must project the party banner more..A strong foundation for movement of agricultural dalit labourers  is lacking and no concrete evaluation and  practice is made considering the caste factor.A tendency is still prevalent where the movement of agricultural labourersr is lagging behind and not sufficiently integrated with the struggles of the landed paeasntry.There is also a decline in the base of students and workers front with forces considerably reduced in the urban centres,like the electricity workers of moulder and steel workers.till many youth rally with the struggles of the landed and landless peasantry.

.Today there is a significant decline in the organized movement in Malkangiri Adivasi movement where the Maoist party is much more active.Activities continue but not with the impact 10 -15 years ago.I feel it’s weakness in Orissa was not building a peoples armed or red defense squad so essential for defending and building an agrarian revolutionary movement.Only because of red defence squads did the erstwhile constitunebst of the C.P.I.(Maoist) build an agrarian revolutionary movement combating the landlords and the state and protecting the armed movements.

It has also hardly formed open sectional organization sof youth,students,workesr and peasants like the erstwhile constitunents of the C.P.I.(Maoist) or C.P.I.(M.L.) New Democracy.There is also no all –India mass political front formed in any sector be it workers,peasants ,cultural groups or  students.The Maoist ershwile groups formed the All India League for Revolutionary culture,All India Revolutionary students Federation,All India Peoles Resistance Forum

,The erstwhile C.P.Redy groups formed the Indian Ferderation of trade Unions etc.Recently C.P.I.(M.L) New DEmocacy held a conference of All India peasant organization swithahuge rally in Aallahbad.The C.P.R.C.I(M.L) also hardly projects it’s banner through leaflets,posters or statements .It hardly publishes a regular political Organ with it’s official organ ‘The Comrade’ most irregular nor has a regisitered party Organ like earlier Indian groups including U.C.C.R.I.(M.L.) and C.P.I.(M.L.) Peoples War   published.

  I cannot still award the Communist Party Reorganisation Centre of India
(Marxist Leninist) or it’s earlier constituent organisations) with the title of upholder of the “proletarian mass line”.This is because although in their major mass struggles they have the correct concept of the relationship of the party and the mass organization and  their mass fronts have led struggles representing the mass line,they have still not developed a mass revolutionary military line in practice or significantly spread out of specific areas,being restricted to regions.


The author recommends readers to refer to the online copies of the journal”The Comrade’ which represented the view sof the C.C.RI.and the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) and study the basic documents posted on url.Alos recommend ‘In Defence of MLMT and General Linme of International Communist Movement.The url is below.

Compiled From Comrade no 5 December 1989(Organ of C.C.R.I)


There can be 3 tactics deployed in The elections. Either you adopt the tactic of ' active boycott' or that of participation.,or that of 'active political campaign.'In all cases the political campaign should consist of a.exposing the uselessness of he presnt parliamentary institutions.

b. explaining the impossibility of achieving political liberty and social emancipation by parliamentary methods and

c .Explaining the necessity of armed Struggle in the form of protracted Peoples War centered around the agrarian question and of establishing he organs of peoples power,i.e of peoples democracy. The crucial aspects should be made are to the people by integrating them with examples of the pat and present experiences and by concrete exposure of the deception of he ruling classes, their institutions and political parties.

The only difference I his regard of implementing the basic tactics are the slogans of action they give an he pace which with theory work. Slogans of action have to be allotted in accordance to level of revolutionary movement at a given time.

Boycott is a higher form of struggle which is associated with imminent direct revolutionary action of the masses against the state and with setting up of organs of political power .

For this,the party of the proletariat should have established it's leadership over the revolutionary movement and prepared itself, politically and organizationally ,to lead the people's armed struggle along with setting up suitable organs of political; power.

Without this the boycott slogan will become meaningless, and futile as far as the realization of it's full revolutionary potential is concerned. It will lead to cynical attitudes amongst the people.

On the other hand for adopting the revolutionary utilisation of participation in election as legal form of Struggle, the emergence of revolutionary democratic elements is a necessity. It need a proletarian party organization to train and control a cadre team for his specialized activity, to organise a legal front without liquidating the illegal party structure, and to link and co-ordinate the activities of its members in these institutions with the direct revolutionary struggles of the people.

Otherwise it will blunt the class–consciousness of the people, blur he political demarcation between the party of the proletariat and the ruling class political parties and will be a weapon in the hands of the ruling class forces to defeat he proletarian vanguard.

At present a unified, effective and influential party is lacking Comunist revolutionaries are only in the formative stage-in the sage of re-organisatin. In most areas ,any Communist Revolutionary Organisation is yet to establish it's identity,I the field of organization and mass -political influence.

The level of political consciousness and organization of the people is lagging behind their actual practice of struggle or the objective potential for evolutionary struggle.F or asimilar reason,the emergence and development of revolutionary democratic elements is delayed .

It is because of this situation that he present acute political crisis is not being converted into a revolutionary crisis. A general mood of distrust of leaderships and cynical indifference to political affairs and developments that a further hurdles are being created..

But or this circumstances the C.R's could have in condition of great turmoil adopted the tactics of 'Active Boycott' and and called upon the revolutionary forces to carry out he agrarian revolutionary programme, conducted armed struggle and set up alternative organs of peoples power.

In other times ,under adverse political conditions they could have participated in the electins as a tactical ploy.

Toady there are 2 serious deviations. The first one is that of carrying out 'Boycott'tactics without the scope of direct revolutionary mass action and setting up of parallel organs of political power. The second is of using participation tactics without the proletarian party,sufficient mass opolitical influence and other necessary organizational means.It will organizationally lead to liquidationsim and politically to tailism

The only possible campaign is that of 'Active Political Campaign'.They must build mass revolutionary struggles They must urge the people to rely and concentrate on their own struggle movement and organization-building to prepare for direct revolutionary mass action against the ruling classes and their institutions of political power.

In the campaign the Comunist Revolutionaries should analyse the specific features which get manifest in ruling class politics and their manouvres in elections. Eg Warring factions of ruling classes and their political representatives.T he uselessness of parliamentary institutions must be explained as well as parliamentary methods. The political objective of the working class movement and the democratic revolutionary movement led by it should be projected.
The campaign should consist of

A.Contracting the professed programmes of the ruling class parties with their actual practice and with the bitter experience of the peole in regard to their worsening economic conditions.
b. Explaining that the root cause of the economic misery is that of the semi –feudal, semi-political economy and The autocratic state structure , and that without eliminating the root cause there is no hope for meaningful change.
C .Explaining the people to depend o their own organized strength and struggle, and have no illusions of false talk of civil librties .The people must be explained the need o establish their own political power .
d. Pushing the proletariat and other sections to to pursue heir just revolutionary struggles, to build up their respective mass organizations and united Front organizations to be able to raise heir struggles to a higher plane and establish their own rule. Peoples Democracy to be executed through genuine representative institutions of the people-the revolutionary organs of political power.
e. Explaining the road masses the features of he new people's republic that they are fighting for, in the interests of the various revolutionary classes.
In the present day context 2 points are of exceptional importance. The first one is.
a.Exposing the nefarious role of ruling class parties in utilizing communal sectarian divisons among the people, explain the connection between the electoral needs of the party and the lives of the masses and tell the masses about the need to rebuff such dirty manouvresof the ruling class parties.
b.Explaining the people the need to build heir own reliable political instruments. i.e the proletarian party organization,the united Front organization

Mass Organizations and the Party

This is a document circulated by the U.C.C.R.I(M.L)Nagi Reddy Group in Punjab in the early 1980's or it's ranks.(published in Comrade no.8-1991)

From the inception of the Communist Revolutionary Movement till today,sharp differences have cropped up on different occasions among Communist Revolutionaries on the role and importance of mass organizations ,their formation ,their relationship with the party,and the methods by which the party should work in these organizations.

In many instances organizations like C.P.I(M.L)-Party Unity Group,C.P.I.(M.L)Peoples War Group Etc were unable to properly handle he contradiction between mass organsiations and the party and efforts were even made to impose Mao Tse Tung Thought on the mass organizations.(eg.RadicalStudents Union or All India league for Revolutionary Culture)

They converted mass organsiations into Front Organizations, unable to completely give them their separate identity. In contrast groups like Chandra Pulla Reddy –SatyaNarayan Singh or Vinod Mishra's Liberation group exhibited economist tendencies in mass organizationThe document may have weaknesses as it is virtually confined o Punjab.

 However it has relevance for the Indian Movement, even today.It is interesting how the Chinese Communist Party dealt with their youth Organization-the Communist Youth League.At one stage (during the first agrarian revolutionary war in 1927-1937)they totally opposed using the mass platform to propogate Marxism –Leninism(not naming it a 'Communist'Youth League) but at he time of the Anti-Japanese War thought it was necessary.

In the initial stages of the movement the 'left'adventurist sections,described mass organizations as "an obstacle in the way of revolution."Only after the erroneous line had been defeated and the importance of mass organizations established did their followers of such thinking change their viewpoint.(earlier such sections claimed mass organizations as 'revsionsist',economists'and 'renegades of the armed struggle.')

However even when such Comunist revolutionary sections started participating in mass organizations they imposed party politics on mass organisationsT hey confused the party with the mass organization and use the mass organization platform to promote party ;politics..

There was sharp ideological political struggle and certain Comunist Revolutionaries even wanted to dismantle such mass organizations.Mass Organisations were turned into forums of direct party politics and efforts were made to impose Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thougt on hem.They even termed the Punjab Students Union,a bourgeois organization and they attempted to convert it into a Communist Youth Leaguewhich openly adhered to party politics.

Though at present this trend has receded it's political infection survives.This pamphlet reflects on the important points concerned

.Rise and development of mass organizations.

The process of emergence of mass organizations belongs to that period of social development in which the capitalist system developed itself after it's victory ovr the feudal system. Even though during the pre-capitalist stage small crude forms of mass organizations were taking shape in an isolated manner,the process of their development as a widespread phenomena is predominant in the capitalist era.The large-scale capitalistic production created suc h objective conditions as were favourable for the workers/labourers to get united,moving along te path of class struggle. Earlier production used to take place in smaller ,localized and almost self-reliant units;this prevented different sections of working people ,involved in the production process from coming close toeaxch other,a nd uniting themselves as a class with self-consciousness.Large-Scale production permanently broke all the ties of the workers ,thus uniting them against the exploiter class.

A mass organization is a group of organized people who,judged from the aspect of their standing in the given production system, or from the aspect of occupation, objective interests and working conditions,ae uniform,a re said to comprise a mass organization. For instance, a factory of workers: All workers work in the factories owned by capitalitsThey earn heir wages by soling their labour power. Finaly they seek emancipation from the capitalist rule ,and for that purpose build a common organization of workers, that is called a mass organization of workers.

Like workers,employees,students,agricultural workers,peasants,shopkeepers,alos have their mass organizations.The workers belonging to different categories alo belong to different mass orgaisations i.e railway,shipyard ost and telegraph workers.This si because there are factory Unions belonging to different trades.Trae Union Organisations alos establish joint centres for common struggles,which atre known as trade Union Federations or Centres.

The mass organization are an instrument for the revolutionary party to approach the maximum number of people, bringing them into the organized movement and imparting them the preliminary understanding and experience which may enable them to gars[p and absorb the revolutionary propaganda.T hey play the role of a transmission belt between the party and the people. That brings the people closer to the party and connects them with it. It helps the party reach a large number of non-party masses outside it's fold.With it's help the party kindles and influences various fields of class Struggle.

Comrdae Stalin writes:The overwhelming majority of these organizations are non –party, and only some of them directly adhered to the party,or constitute offshoots from it.All these organizations under certain conditions ,are absolutely necessary for he Working lass for without hemit would be impossible to consolidate the class positions of te proletariat in the diverse spheres of struggle.for without them it would be ipossible to steel the proletariat as the force wose mission isto replace the bourgeois order with the Socialist Order.

Thus mass organizations include in them vast sections,I large numbers,who still remain inaccessible to the Party of the Working Class,who are yet not prepared to accept he direct leadership of the party.The mass organizations attract thse peole into mass struggles and impart them with organizational and democratic awareness. They work as nurseries for producing such primary fighters of the class struggles.They thus work for producing the seedlings of the revolution and a fertile ground for the expansion of the Communist Party and the Movement.

Comrade Lenin stated "The development of the proletariat did not, and could not ,proceed anywhere in the world without trade Unions, through reciprocal action between them and the party of the Working class. The Trade Unions remain an indispensable "school of communism' and a preparatory school that trains proletarians to exercise their dictataorship.

It is very important to differentiate between a party and amass organization.A mass organization is a organization for the partial struggle of the working class,t he party organization is an organization for basic struggle. A mass organization fights for immediate interests,t he partial demands of a section of a class;the party fioghts for the attainment of revolutionary transformation.

Only those sections can join the party who are politically conscious and are prepared to plunge themselves into a basic struggle. Only he most advanced and conscious sections of the working class ,who understand the ideology and politic s of the class viz,the communists alone can constitute its members. While,since amass organization is a struggle or immediate and partial interests, which even a common worker is aware of ,even the most backward sections of the concerned class can constitute it. n ordinary worker can join them.

The party of the working class must maintain it's political ideological firmness to play the role of apolitical guide. This norm is violated by 'left' adventurist sections who impose their ideology as well as revisionist parties wo impose partymembership on a ordinary non-conscious striker.

The 'left'adventurists when they force 'Mao Tse Tung Thought'on a mass organization, close the doors for for ordinary sections. In any section or class there remains a section who have different political views and are not willing to accept the ideology of the working class. When mass organizations have party politics imposed on hem the non-party sections, feel deprived and step aside from the mass organization.It is reduced to an arena of pro-party sections alone.

Thus party understanding must never be imposed o mass organizations in toto and the party must use the idioms of the masses.Instead of Marxist Leninist Terminology and formulations, a terminology should be derivated to reach out to he broad masses.

A party o he working class has to lead an allrouind struggle ,an thus has to establish leadership overall the fields and classes thata re essential for the revolution. It's range of leadership is quite widespread. The mass organization has a limited range,and needs to only relate to it's own class or section.

The minimum political programme of he party is o overthrow the exsiting clas rule based on exploitation and o[pression, and to replace it with a rule in which the working class has predominance.

It has to build a Communist Society.While a mass organization ,being an organization for partial demand,has for immediate programme the struggle for attainment of partial demands of tat class or section, wheras it's highest goal is to convert itself into a fighting contingent of the motive forces of the revolution,by developing itself into an organization of a concerned class or section.
It is imperative for the party to to target every anti-people class rule.I t should command the standpoint of the revolutionary movement and stand by the overall revolutionary politics. The mass organization has to maintain a mass character and expected to raw political elements.

The Party must at all times assert it's political positions and stand up with the courage of steel in the most adverse times It must always defend proletarian politics. The mass organizations act within the existing system. They,are expected to move taking he objective conditions and their strength into account.

The party is a tightly-knit organization with iron discipline,I ntegrating theory with practice,and is abused on the most politically advanced section s of the working class,.It must adopt underground and secretist style of work. Only then can it protect itself from the onslaughts of the state A lose and open party is inviting danger..In contrast a mass organization is an open organization. It thus cannot adhere to as strict a discipline as the party .It is a comparatively lose organization.
Relation between a party and amass organization

While providing leadership o a mass organization he party of the working class does not find it difficult to retain a separate identity of it's own as the champion of the overall interests of the working class. It provides its leadership from the overall standpoint of the revolutionary movement .During the current struggles of peasants the party through it's propaganda provides them with a correct direction regarding the intention of both of the contending sides, the peasants an the govt,their reliable and vaccilating allies and opponents, the favourable and unfavourable conditions etc.

 The party maintains it's separate identity as the champion of he basic interest of the working class by making the peasant movement more vigilant of the deception and allies of the opportunist political forces, exposing the anti-peasant nature of he state structure and the need and methods of destroying the prevalent system./The party leads from the overall revolutionary standpoint in connection with the making of a common cause with those allies of the peasant movement who can stand up with it against the common enemy.

On different occasions ,the concerned mass organizations may adopt hat part of the party's propaganda that suits their given level and need .Through sustained and repeated propaganda by the party,the imageof the party being for them is increased, and the party's leadership gains credibility.The mass organizations respect the party'spropoganda and more advanced sections are developed from them.

The party must introduce politics that matches with the level of political consciousness that exists in amass organization.The masses must be able to assimilate that level of politics.T he quantity and quality of politics has to be analysed.

Comrade Stalin writes;Non –party organisatins,trade Unuiions and co-opratives etc.should be officially subordinated to the party leadership.It only means hat membersof he party who belong to these organizations an are influential should place their utmost energy to persuade these non-party organizations to draw nearer to the party of he proletariat in their work and voluntarily accept it's party leadership.

The party politics must not be imposed The politics introduced should be on par with the average level of consciousness of amass organization member.Excess of politics introduced will violate the democratic spirit.

Several people perform the functions of a party and mass organization activist. Withi a mass organization a party member must work within her discipline of that mass front. They will have to abide wit the same norms as non-party members doNow they have to wok under the identity o amass activist. The need of the mass organization becomes the need oF the party itself.

Party activists can alos have dual identity in a mass organisation.They function as party members,within the discipline of the mass organization.

Sometimes conflicts occur when more than 2 political forces act within one organization. Here the norms of the mass organisatin concerned must not be violated even if political struggle exists.If norms are violated such mass organisatins become areanas of party politics.Political groups of conflicting trends should avoid dragging politics or differences into the mass organization. Onl;y those differences should be resolved which are compatible to the understanding of the members of the mass organization.Only he differences of the politics the masses can assimilate should be debated.
The dominating faction of amass organization should not behave arrogantly, and not take decisions that are prejudicial against the political interests of another faction. Similarly, the minority faction should not resort to unorganisational methods .

A Front organization is one that openly identifies itself with the party.The distinction of a front organization fro an ordinary mass organization is that the mass sections accept the leadership of the party. In a revolutionary movement for long phases the the situation for running mass organizations as front organizations dose not arise.

Comrade Lenin stated "If we in Russia today, after two and a half years of unprecedented victories over the bourgeoisie of Russia and the Entente,wee to make'recognition of the dictatorship' a condition of trade Union membership ,we would be doing a very foolish thing, damaging our influences amongst the mases.,and helping the Mensheviks.

We must convince he backward element,s to work among them, and not to fence themselves of from them with artificially childish 'left'slogans.

The party must always handle the contradiction between the mass character of the mass organization and the political content and not impose the politics of advanced political content.

When the direct leadership of ther party would not become a bar in joining the organizations, and when ,despite this a factor even the backward sections may be willing to join them, then it is allright for such organizations to work as Front organizations.

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